Tag : GOP

At the CPAC panel on “Why Conservatism is Right for Women: How Conservatives Should Talk About Life, Prosperity & National Security” five conservative women did a fair job in pitching conservatives to women but they failed to provide a real, tangible reason why conservatism is for women. They noted CPAC’s own lapses (only one woman spoke on stage during the first day of the conference, most female speakers were placed on Saturday, the worst attended day) and said a positive effort was required to recruit women as leaders and voters.

But, if they came with a message for conservatives to hear from women, the speakers on the panel had scant advice for how conservatives should speak to women. The entire discussion was light on references to specific policy, save for when Sabrina Schaeffer of the Independent Women’s Forum endorsed guns at universities, saying, “You really want your daughter to be defenseless on a college campus without a gun?”

Instead of contrasting Republican and Democratic policies, the speakers contrasted the narratives and expectations of both parties. Kate Obenshain, the author of Divider in Chief, said that discrimination was a real problem, but only Republicans empowered women by not casting them as ”a victim class.”

The moderator, Tammy Bruce of The Washington Times, agreed, heaping scorn on Democratic women who, she said, talk about supporting women, while, in reality, “Liberals infantilize women by saying the government needs to take care of them.” The other women on the panel cheered.

But the women’s own remarks cast conservatives into a victim class of sorts, oppressed by some outside, unreasonable force, that could respond only to power, not to persuasion or negotiation. In order to build a coalition of and for women, these speakers might have done better to crib from the rhetorical strategies Rand Paul used in his speech at CPAC.

Paul opened by saying that his remarks were addressed not to Republicans, but to all “lovers of liberty,” which excluded some of his audience but also proffered an invitation to people outside the usual CPAC crowd. The first thinker and activist he referenced was William Lloyd Garrison, the unflinching abolitionist. From there, he proceeded to trace out a series of attempted tyrannies in American history, and the men and women who, in the words of Garrison, were “as harsh as truth and as uncompromising as justice” in opposing them.

He strung together the generalized warrants issued by the British that helped spark the Revolutionary war, the wide abuses of slavery and Japanese internment, the personal persecution endured by Richard Jewell, falsely accused of 1996 Olympic bombing, to the present lawlessness of the NSA. His story was united to the past accomplishments of activists, including those who might agree with him on civil liberties but disagree with him on economic or foreign policy. Paul was making a claim about intersectionality, that groups with different personal interests share a broader interest in opposing all tools that could be used for oppression.

The speakers at the women’s panel would have benefited by making a similar appeal to the victories of the past and looking for bridges of solidarity. It is doubtful that the suffragists known as “iron jawed angels” for persisting in hunger strikes for the right to vote felt infantilized by their struggle.

By speaking solely in terms of contempt and condemnation about liberal women, the panelists precluded the kind of solidarity that Rand’s speech offered. If they want the Republican party to offer a compelling message to female voters, it won’t be enough just to elect women, if all they have to offer is a negative message. The Republican party won’t be persuasive unless it can consistently recognize and celebrate the accomplishments of the women’s rights movement, and tell a compelling story to establish their policies as an extension of that legacy.

They could tell a different story, about the powers that women sought and what they used them for.  Carrie Nation sought the vote not just as a symbol of equality, but because the exclusion of women from the polling place meant that the needs of the family were ill-served by the government. She fought against drunkenness, but women today might fight for maternity and paternity leave.

Betty Friedan told the stories of women who were left adrift when they were still expected to be housewives, even as the work of running a household had been automated away.  They wanted to enter the workforce, not just to make money, but to stop being isolated. Learning from her example, we might speak up for the workers whose factory jobs are being automated away or the college students who enter a hopeless job market, trying not only to make them financially stable, but to secure them the dignity of work and to strengthen the local institutions that offer community and relationships.

Tell a story about how women sought rights in order to be able to fully live out their responsibilities to their families, communities, and nation, and then you’ll be ready to ask to carry on the torch they bore.

By Leah Libresco

Mitt Romney’s abysmal showing among women and minorities last year triggered no shortage of warnings that Republicans had better adapt to changing  demographics — or pay the price at the ballot box for decades to come.

female candidates

House Republicans apparently got the message. Bent on changing their image as  the party of graying white men, they’re seeking out candidates for competitive  races in next year’s midterm who reflect America’s growing diversity.

Next year’s crop of Republican congressional hopefuls includes Carl DeMaio, an  openly gay former city councilman who is running for a seat in urban San Diego.  There is Elise Stefanik, a 29-year-old former George W. Bush aide who is trying  to topple a Democratic incumbent in upstate New York. In South Florida, Carlos  Curbelo, a school board member and former congressional aide, is running in a  district where Hispanics make up a majority of voters.

It’s unlikely that the GOP’s group of 2014 candidates will be anywhere near  as diverse as the one their Democratic opponents will field. But, for the GOP —  eager to modernize its image as a party dominated by white men — there’s little  doubt that it represents an improvement from previous, more homogenous,  recruitment classes.

The Cook Political Report currently lists 40 competitive congressional  districts where a Republican incumbent is not seeking reelection. In at least 10  of those races, a female, minority or openly gay GOP candidate is waging a  credible campaign. And Republicans say that, as candidate recruitment season  comes to a close early next year, they expect those numbers to grow.

“This isn’t your grandfather’s Republican Party,” North Carolina Rep. Patrick  McHenry, who is heading up recruiting for the National Republican Congressional  Committee, wrote in an email. “We are heading into 2014 with an extremely  diverse field of candidates who are helping Republicans reach out to new voters  and expand our message. They all share one thing in common — they can win their  districts.”

The push to recruit a diverse class of hopefuls comes at a particularly  sensitive time for Republicans. Prior to the 2012 election, several Republican  Senate candidates came under fire for making comments about rape that were  widely perceived as insensitive to women. On Election Day, exit polling showed Romney capturing just 44 percent of the  female vote, just over a quarter of the Hispanic vote and just 7 percent of the  black vote.

In March, the Republican National Committee released a detailed autopsy that  found the GOP was viewed as a party of “stuffy old men” and urged it to take  steps to soften its edges with women, minorities and gays.

The GOP’s membership in Congress has reinforced its image as a party  dominated by white males. According to David Wasserman, who analyzes House races  for the Cook Political Report, 206 of the 232 members who compose the House  Republican Conference — 89 percent — are white men. That’s in stark contrast to  House Democrats, of whom a majority are, for the first time in history, nonwhite  men.

At the state level, too, Republicans are trying to make strides. After losing  46 female state legislators in 2012, the Republican State Leadership Committee  has launched an initiative aimed at recruiting and supporting 300 female  candidates. It is part of a $6 million plan to seek out contenders who, a  spokesman for the group said, “reflect America’s full diversity.”

“The perception of the party is that it is older, white and male-dominated,”  said Nicole McCleskey, a New Mexico-based Republican pollster who is a veteran  of congressional and state legislative races. “There is an effort to change that  and to make it feel more like average America. It’s a perception issue.”

Democrats scoff. They argue that no matter which candidates the  GOP recruits, the party won’t be able to obscure its record on issues of central  importance to women and minorities. Democrats have already begun re-using a  mantra they adopted ahead of the 2012 election, as Republican Senate candidates  Todd Akin and Richard Mourdock drove headlines for the remarks on rape — the  Republicans are waging a war on women.

“Republicans have a tough sell job to get diverse candidates to run as  Republicans when their party opposes equal pay for women, blocks immigration  reform, and cheers the end of the Voting Rights Act,” said Jesse Ferguson, the  Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee’s deputy executive director.

Republicans have a particular interest in fielding female candidates. Among  the party’s hopefuls is Charlotte Lane, an attorney who is running for an open  seat in West Virginia, and Wendy Rogers, a retired Air Force officer from  Arizona. There is also Darlene Senger, a state representative who is trying to  oust a Democratic Rep. Bill Foster in a district that encompasses part of the  Chicago suburbs.

Senger said: as the campaign develops, she would highlight her  gender. She said it would be an asset in a race for a Democratic-leaning seat in  which women make up a majority of voters.

“I think it’s going to be a natural part of my campaign,” she said. “I know  the struggles that occur [for women] on a day-to-day basis.”

Some of the diverse Republicans are making second tries after falling short  last year. Mia Love, the African-American mayor of Saratoga Springs, Utah, is  trying to unseat Democratic Rep. Jim Matheson. In Arizona, Martha McSally, a  retired Air Force officer, is expected to launch a campaign after narrowly  losing to Democratic Rep. Ron Barber.

In Massachusetts, Richard Tisei, an openly gay former state Senate minority  leader, is also preparing to run again. Last year, campaigning as a moderate  Republican in a district President Barack Obama won by double digits, he lost by  less than 5,000 votes to Democratic Rep. John Tierney.

Tisei called the GOP diversity push important, saying that it would help the  party expand beyond its Southern base into parts of the country dominated by  Democrats.

“We’ve become a more regional party, and I think people understand that,” he  said. “But we’re not going to be a national party unless we’re represented by  every region in the country.”

Author: (@politicoalex)